Angel’s Trumpets and Morning Glories—An Ethnobotanical Survey of Psychoactive Perennials Part 2: Ipomoea

The relationship between Ipomoea species and indigenous culture extensively parallels Brugmansia’s ethnobotany. Ipomoea corymbosa and Ipomoea violacea contribute significantly to Mazatec tradition, encompassing both medicinal and religious applications (Wasson, 1963). Known as coaxihuitl, the “snake plant” (Schultes, 1981, p. 105), I. corymbosa grows perennially, boasting an impressive native range between Mexico and Peru (Graziano et al. 2017). The vernacular name constitutes a Nahuatl term, which corresponds to a pre-Columbian lingua franca (Wasson, 1963). As a woody liana, I. corymbosa occupies shrubs and small trees, climbing to heights of 7 m (Wood et al., 2015). White flowers comprise campanulate corollae with yellow, midpetalline bands and purple centres (Graziano et al., 2017; Wood et al., 2020). Blossoms occur copiously over the winter season: between June and September in the Southern Hemisphere (Wood et al., 2015). In the Northern Hemisphere, blooms emerge between September and March, proliferating most notably in November and January (Austin & Staples, 1991).

Figure 1. I. corymbosa (Muñoz Padilla, 2021)

Christmas vine constitutes a prominent common name for I. corymbosa (Austin & Staples, 1991; Graziano et al., 2017). The term’s etymology deserves a more thorough literature review; however, it may point to the plant’s floral bursts of November and January—clusters of white enveloping December. Collectors have noted that I. corymbosa supplies an important source of nectar (Austin & Staples, 1991). In Cuba, the sweetly scented flowers accommodate several hymenopterans (Austin & Staples, 1991): notable species include Ceratina cyaniventris, Lasioglossum gundlachii, and Lasioglossum mestrei (Vale et al., 2013). Indeed, I. corymbosa involves cultivars and populations beyond its native range. The plant has been widely naturalised (Graziano et al., 2017), growing ornamentally and invasively in both Eastern and Western Hemispheres (Francis, 2004). In Australia, the species thrives aggressively: a problematic weed for northern Queensland (Csurhes & Edwards, 1998); it twines about rainforest margins and riparian zones, smothering trees along the Barron River (Csurhes & Edwards, 1998). Tropical conditions in Florida provide additional terrain for I. corymbosa: single plants and matted patches colonise the cape (Austin & Staples, 1991); they flourish in sunny areas, embellishing glades and hardwood hammocks (Francis, 2004).

Together, I. corymbosa and I. violacea encapsulate the genus’s diversity. Although both species have been categorised as morning glory (Mercurio et al., 2017), I. corymbosa blooms diurnally (Carod-Artal, 2015; Queensland Government, 2022), while I. violacea opens at night (Wood et al., 2020); in this regard, moonflower arguably constitutes a more appropriate identity for I. violacea (Austin, 2013; McDonald, 1993). Known to the Aztecs as tlitliltzin (Schultes, 1981; Wasson, 1963), I. violacea sprawls vigorously, growing as a glabrous, trailing perennial along Mexico’s mangrove swamps (Wood et al., 2020). The plant’s native distribution involves both Latin America and the Caribbean (Alencar et al., 2021; Der Marderosian, 1965). Naturalised populations in coastal Africa and Australasia suggest that ocean currents have impressively mediated I. violacea’s dispersal (Alencar et al., 2021; Wood et al., 2020). As with I. corymbosa, both water and birds can facilitate distribution (Csurhes & Edwards, 1998): in Puerto Rico, species including Zenaida aurita and Spindalis portoricensis consume I. violacea’s fruit, inevitably depositing seeds about the archipelago (Massol-Deyá et al., 2005).

Figure 2. I. violacea (Valke, 2021)

Beach moonflower and sea moonflower comprise the plant’s common names (Alencar et al., 2021; Keeler & Kaul, 1984), denoting I. violacea’s shoreside preferences. Although the moonflower’s specific epithet may suggest a striking phenotype, blossoms are typically white (Wood et al., 2020); occasionally, a pale lilac form unfurls (Wood et al., 2020). Sphinx moths serve as primary pollinators, drawn to the plant’s night-limned corollae (Wood et al., 2020); a more thorough literature review is needed to determine specific lepidopterans. However, a similar moonflower may analogise pertinent relationships: often confused with I. violacea (Alencar et al., 2021), Ipomoea alba nourishes several visitors, including Cocytius antaeus, Manduca rustica, and Agrius convolvuli (Austin, 2013). Hypocratiform corollae morphologically mirror those of I. violacea (Alencar et al., 2021); however, I. alba involves a slightly longer flower: 5–12 cm as opposed to 5–9 cm. Unlike I. violacea, I. alba avoids saline habitats, scrambling about inland streams (Alencar et al., 2021). Nevertheless, the aforementioned sphinx moths may represent mutual pollinators, as each plant illuminates a comparable range (Alencar et al., 2021).

Jet-black seeds embody a tenebrous contrast to I. violacea’s celestial blooms (Schultes, 1981). Measuring 7 mm in length, they are vernacularly known as badoh negro: a sacred hallucinogen among Oaxaca’s Zapotecs (Schultes, 1981; Wasson, 1963). In tandem with I. corymbosa, the seeds constitute an indispensable sacrament, facilitating both medicinal and spiritual ceremonies (Fields, 1969; Wasson, 1963). The Maya of Yucatán, for example, used I. corymbosa to encourage diuresis (Fields, 1969); for the Aztecs, I violacea optimally fulfilled divination: a vehicle for both spirituality and introspection (Carod-Artal, 2015). Accordingly, each species involves considerable veneration: a trend throughout Mexico’s indigenous groups (Fields, 1969; Francis, 2004; Heacock, 1975); contemporary families maintain an intimate approach for both hallucinogens, consulting the plants amidst times of despair (Fields, 1969; Wasson, 1963).    

On its own, badoh applies to I. corymbosa’s seeds and adult plants (Fields, 1969). By omitting the negro adjective, both I. violacea and I. corymbosa possess an identical Zapotec term, effectively demonstrating a cultural recognition of botanical similarities (Fields, 1969). Although both plants can equally satisfy a ritualistic need, I. violacea carries the favoured option (Wasson, 1963): seeds are reportedly five times more potent than those of I. corymbosa (Hofmann, 1971; Meira et al., 2012). Discerning the difference, some communities have introduced male and female designations: macho for I. violacea, hembra for I. corymbosa (Wasson, 1963). Genderisation can also apply independently to I. corymbosa: for the Zapotecs, the roundest seeds are male, while the flatter seeds are female (Fields, 1969). A shamanic dose of 100–150 I. corymbosa seeds can induce hallucinations (Carod-Artal, 2015); more efficiently, an estimated thimble-full of badoh negros can rival the snake plant’s efficacy (Voogelbreinder, 2009; Wasson, 1963). In certain cases, as few as seven I. violacea seeds have occasioned altered states of consciousness (Juszczak & Swiergiel, 2013; Voogelbreinder, 2009).

Despite its lesser potency, I. corymbosa maintains considerable renown. Among the Aztecs, its seeds were perhaps the foremost sacrament: a leading hallucinogen among peyotl (Lophophora williamsii) and teonanácatl (Psilocybe spp.) (Heacock, 1975). Some sources contradict the notion, listing the plant as tertiary: subordinate to peyotl cacti and teonanácatl mushrooms (Fields, 1969; Hofmann, 1963). Regardless, I. corymbosa remains a capable entheogen—a pantropical backbone for both ethnobotanical and ecological processes. In Cuba, for instance, rumours suggest that I. corymbosa's nectar accounts for a local intoxicant: hallucinogenic honey (Austin & Staples, 1991). Historical records substantiate the possibility. The Yucatec Maya, for instance, prepared a shamanic mead, using I. corymbosa as a visionary substrate (Ott, 1998). Known as balché, the ritual metheglin included evergreen bark (Lonchocarpus violaceus) and honey from stingless bees (Melipona beecheii) (Ott, 1998). It was received both orally and rectally, as enemas would expedite oracular trance (Carod-Artal, 2015); the state would subjectively allow participants to communicate with the dead, predict the future, and comprehend tribulations such as wars and poor harvests (Carod-Artal, 2015).

Although several sources vernacularly assign ololiuqui to the I. corymbosa plant (Austin & Staples, 1991; Carod-Artal, 2015; Schultes, 1964), the Nahuatl term essentially refers to the morning glory’s seeds (Wasson, 1963). Translating to “round thing” (Wasson, 1963, p. 175), it reinforces I. corymbosa’s macho manifestations. I. violacea’s seeds involve a similarly straightforward name: ending with a reverential suffix, tlitliltzin proceeds from the Nahuatl word for black (Wasson, 1963). While ololiuqui’s morphemes may comparatively lack a formidable connotation, the seeds remain formulaically worshipped. In some traditions, an offering of five stones is placed at the roots of I. corymbosa (Fields, 1969); before the seeds and leaves are collected, the forager makes a petition: “Here I come to you to buy you. With your permission, you are going to cure my illness” (Fields, 1969, p. 206); such submission resoundingly illustrates the animistic principles of I. corymbosa’s shamanism. For Mexico’s curanderos, the plant concretises an ethereal ally: the botanical incarnation of an amenable deity (Fields, 1969; Hofmann, 1971; Taylor, 1944).

A colourful system of propitiation coincided with shamanism’s convolvulaceous practices. Aztec priests would climb to the tops of mountains for sacrificial rites (Taylor, 1944); to become fearless, they rubbed a concoction of poisonous insects and pulverised ololiuqui on their bodies (Taylor, 1944); the same process could apply to tlitliltzin (Miller, 1983). Known as teopatli, the “diabolical mixture” was both an offering and anointment: “by means of this ointment, they become witches and did see and speak with the devil” (Taylor, 1944, p. 178). The divine medicament involved panacean perspectives: it could serve as a “powerful remedy for several disorders” (Taylor, 1944, 178.). Children and invalids would frequently visit priests for the smear (Taylor, 1944).

Figure 3. Xochipilli—Museo Nacional de Antropología (Stanley, 2011)

Ololiuqui’s invocations included less gruesome ceremony: no addition of flattened insects. Priests would gather brilliant bouquets and repeat the following prayer: “come hither, thou, the yellow and ardent red one; come and expel the green pain, the brown pain, which now wishes to take away the life of the son of the Gods” (Taylor, 1944, p. 178). A more thorough literature review is needed to properly analyse the intercession; however, the pious example delineates I. corymbosa’s stature among Mexico’s ancient communities. The identity of ololiuqui’s deity deserves further scrutiny—a prospect nonetheless dwells in Mexico City’s Museo Nacional de Antropología. Unearthed from the slopes of Popocatape in Tlalmanalco, a statue of Xochipilli honours a red and yellow entity: the Aztec pantheon’s Prince of Flowers (Wasson, 1973). Blossoms and tendrils decorate the sculpture: a rendition of I. corymbosa may occupy the deity’s thigh (Carod-Artal, 2015; Wasson, 1973).

Conquistadors and missionaries were quick to demonise the ritualistic practices of Mexico’s 16th century shamans. The use of both ololiuqui and tlitliltzin was ridiculed, and prophetic revelations were dismissed as either nonsense or Satanic deception (Carod-Artal, 2015; Miller, 1983)—“in a number of situations, the record is clear: the friars conceded the miracles wrought by these agents but attributed them to the machinations of the Evil One” (Wasson, 1963, p. 162). Nevertheless, amidst post-contact proselytism and assimilation, the line between Christianity and animism blurred; I. corymbosa and I. violacea acquired Marian titles, such as semilla de la virgen and Holy Mary herb (Meira et al., 2012; Taylor, 1944). The conversion persists amidst syncretic observances: in San Bartolo Yautepec, for example, a curandera oversees ceremonial components of both Catholic and shamanic relevance (Wasson, 1963). I. violacea seeds are delivered by a freshly bathed child and subsequently measured out amidst absolute silence; while grinding the seeds, a petition is made to both God and the Virgencita: a plea on the patient’s behalf for divine diagnosis (Wasson, 1963).

Despite such deliberation, the seeds remain dangerously unpredictable. For curanderas, adverse reactions suggest a ceremonial flaw or spiritual deficiency (Fields, 1969). A process called se chupa often concludes an ololiuqui ritual: with water and mezcal in her mouth, the shaman kisses the arms and forehead of a patient, sucking away the badoh’s effects (Fields, 1969). In one instance, the prevention was neglected: consequently, a Zapotec child in Mitla descended into permanent madness (Fields, 1969). A similar tragedy was observed in Santa Cruz, where a woman failed to properly recuperate, never coming out from a badoh cure’s pervasiveness (Fields, 1969). Indeed, among shamanism’s participants, social beliefs significantly condition issues of mental health and general misfortune. A witch was held at gunpoint in San Bartolo Yautepec, compelled to lift a suspected curse (Fields, 1969); the reversal involved I. violacea seeds, goat fat, and an unidentified leaf (Fields, 1969). Ultimately, nine convolvulaceous faculties remain espoused by Zapotec healers: they facilitate remedial processes for emotionally linked affiliations, addressing fear-based ailments and various psychogeneses (Fields, 1969). Additionally, they aid in both parturition and contraception: corporeal examples amidst catalytic roles in divination and black magic (Fields, 1969).

Ipomoea’s shamanic versatility arguably speaks for the mutualistic relationships between morning-glory seeds and clavicipitaceous fungi. Both I. corymbosa and I. violacea involve ergot alkaloids, which stem from vertically transmitted ascomycetes: Periglandula spp. (Beaulieu, 2015). The heritable symbioses ultimately benefit each organism; nutrients go to the fungi, while the plants receive protection from herbivory (Chitchak et al., 2022). Studies have shown that ergot alkaloids can discourage both ants and birds (Beaulieu, 2021). Concentrations can vary considerably among seeds, both intra- and interspecifically (Genest & Sahasrabudhe, 1966; Mercurio et al., 2017). Ergine, isoergine, and ergometrine constitute Ipomoea’s most important psychoactive compounds (Nowak et al., 2016). By activating the dopamine D2 receptor, ergine inhibits adenylate cyclase and reduces “cyclic adenosine monophosphate formation” (Graziano et al., 2017, p. 752). The molecule also stimulates serotonergic activity, binding as a 5-HT2A agonist (Canal, 2018). 

To provoke hallucinogenic effects, a 6-mg dose of ergine is reportedly sufficient (Mercurio et al., 2017); the value can apply to 250 I. violacea seeds (Mercurio et al., 2017). Retrospectively, chemical analyses have buttressed the macho and hembra reputations of tlitliltzin and ololiuqui: I. violacea’s ergine levels consistently surpass those of I. corymbosa (Genest & Sahasrabudhe, 1966; Hofmann, 1963). D-lysergic acid amide (LSA) constitutes a more exhaustive name for the molecule (Juszczak & Swiergiel, 2013). Like LSD, it was abused in the 1960s (Juszczak & Swiergiel, 2013), further exemplifying the possible repercussions of ascomycetous symbionts. Synthesised from parasitic Claviceps fungi (Beaulieu, 2021), LSD connotes a dreadful history of mass poisonings: infected rye crops were milled into flour, which subsequently devastated European villages through contaminated bread (Haarmann et al., 2009). In France’s Aquitaine region, the pathogen killed approximately 20,000 people between 944 and 945 AD (Schiff, 2006). Although LSA remains 50–100 times less powerful than LSD (Graziano et al., 2017), it can precipitate fatal disasters: instances of recreational misuse and naïveté.

Some of the worst LSA case reports involve Argyreia nervosa: the Hawaiian baby woodrose (Klinke et al., 2010). While morning-glory trips commonly involve between 150 and 200 seeds, 5–10 A. nervosa seeds can accomplish similar effects (Klinke et al., 2010). After ingesting the psychedelic, a combative 23-year-old man was found naked in the street (Meyer Karre & Heinrich, 2014). A heart rate of 154 bpm was recorded—the man was restrained and sedated (Meyer Karre & Heinrich, 2014). His experience included visual hallucinations and dissociative feelings; “examination findings of hypertension, tachycardia, and leukocytosis were also typical of other cases” (Meyer Karre & Heinrich, 2014, p. 518). Family members reported that the man had recently consumed 30 A. nervosa seeds. Ultimately, the man recovered; his acute renal “injury and rhabdomyolysis resolved with hydration” over 24 h (Meyer Karre & Heinrich, 2014, p. 517). A 29-year-old consumer was less fortunate: after partaking in A. nervosa seeds and cannabis, he “became severely agitated” and jumped from a fourth-storey window (Klinke et al., 2010, p. e2). He fell to his death, rupturing his thoracic aorta (Klinke et al., 2010).

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Evidently, recreational LSA deserves a responsible approach. The compound remains illegal in the United States: a “Schedule III drug in the DEA Controlled Substances Act” (Klinke et al., 2010, p. e2). Although LSA-related tragedies can occur, the aforementioned case reports represent extreme examples. Other studies have emphasised the benefits of ergine: positive experiences of laughter, creativity, euphoria, and introspection (Juszczak & Swiergiel, 2013). Some reports show that LSA can relieve both cluster headaches and mental health issues, ameliorating addiction and post-traumatic stress (Andersson et al., 2017; Johnson & Black, 2020). In essence, LSA and its associated plants deserve understanding—not demonisation. Like the angel’s trumpets, I. corymbosa and I. violacea perfectly embody the balance between life and death: Brugmansia can precipitate lethal toxidromes and provide analgesic poultices; Ipomoea can accommodate black magic and alleviate treatment-resistant depression (Johnson & Black, 2020). Each plant can reconcile biology and spirituality, and while shamanism may seem superstitious, perhaps it represents an atavistic solution to the materialistic chaos of 21st-century industry and consumerism; perhaps it can “enable us to return to the roses, to the flowers, to nature, where we belong” (Pollan, 2018, p. 26).

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